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28. satır:
While in the West the term "Roman" acquired a new meaning in connection with the [[Catholic Church]] and the [[Papacy|Bishop of Rome]], the Greek form "Romaioi" remained attached to the Greeks of the Eastern Roman Empire.<ref>Encyclopædia Britannica (2009), "History of Europe: The Romans".</ref> The term "Byzantine Greeks" is an [[Exonym and endonym|exonym]] applied by later historians like [[Hieronymus Wolf]]; "Byzantine" citizens continued to call themselves ''Romaioi'' (Romans) in their language.<ref>{{harvnb|Ostrogorsky|1969|p=2}}.</ref> Despite the shift in terminology in the West, the Byzantines Empire's eastern neighbors, such as the Arabs, continued to refer to the Byzantines as "Romans", as for instance in the 30th [[Surah]] of the Quran ([[Ar-Rum]]).<ref>{{Cite Quran|30|2|end=5}}</ref> The signifier "Roman" ([[Rum millet]], "Roman nation") was also used by the Byzantines' later [[Ottoman Empire|Ottoman]] rivals, and its Turkish equivalent [[Rûm]], "Roman", continues to be used officially by the government of [[Turkey]] to denote the Greek Orthodox natives ([[Greeks in Turkey|Rumlar]]) of [[Istanbul]], as well as the [[Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople]] ({{lang-tr|Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi}}, "Roman Orthodox Patriarchate"<ref>In Turkey, it is also referred to unofficially as ''Fener Rum Patrikhanesi'', "Roman Patriarchate of the [[Fener|Phanar]]".</ref>).<ref name="Doumanis">{{harvnb|Doumanis|2014|p=210}}</ref>
Among Slavic populations of southeast Europe, such as Bulgarians and Serbs the name "Rhomaioi" (Romans) in their languages was most commonly translated as "Greki" (Greeks). Some Slavonic texts during the early medieval era also used the terms ''Rimljani'' or ''Romei''.<ref>Nikolov, A. Empire of the Romans or Tsardom of the Greeks? The Image of Byzantium in the Earliest Slavonic Translations from Greek. – Byzantinoslavica, 65 (2007), 31-39.</ref> In medieval Bulgarian sources the Byzantine Emperors were the "Tsars of the Greeks" and the Byzantine Empire was known as "Tsardom of the Greeks". Both rulers of the [[Despotate of Epirus]] and the [[Empire of Nicaea]] were also "Greek tsars ruling over Greek people".<ref>{{
Equally, among the [[Norsemen|Nordic people]] such as the [[Icelanders]], [[Varangians]] ([[Vikings]]) and other Scandinavian people, the "Rhomaioi" (Romans) were called "Grikkr" (Greeks). There are various runic inscriptions left in Norway, Sweden and even in Athens by travellers and members of the [[Varangian Guard]] like the [[Greece runestones]] and the [[Piraeus Lion]] which we meet the terms ''Grikkland'' (Greece) and ''Grikkr'' referring to their ventures in Byzantine Empire and their interaction with the Byzantines.<ref>Jakobsson, Sverrir. (2016). The Varangian Legend. Testimony from the Old Norse sources. pp. 346-361 [https://www.academia.edu/26529047/The_Varangian_legend_testimony_from_the_Old_Norse_sources]</ref>
53. satır:
===Soldiers===
{{see also|Byzantine army}}
[[
During the Byzantine millennium, hardly a year passed without a military campaign. Soldiers were a normal part of everyday life, much more so than in modern Western societies.<ref name="Cavallo74">{{harvnb|Cavallo|1997|p=74}}.</ref> While it is difficult to draw a distinction between [[Roman legions|Roman]] and [[Byzantine army|Byzantine]] soldiers from an organizational aspect, it is easier to do so in terms of their social profile.<ref name="Cavallo74"/> The military handbooks known as the ''[[Taktika (disambiguation)|Taktika]]'' continued a [[Hellenistic]] and Roman tradition, and contain a wealth of information about the appearance, customs, habits, and life of the soldiers.<ref name="Cavallo75">{{harvnb|Cavallo|1997|p=75}}.</ref>
61. satır:
===Teachers===
[[
Byzantine education was the product of an ancient Greek educational tradition that stretched back to the 5th century BC.<ref name="Cavallo95">{{harvnb|Cavallo|1997|p=95}}.</ref> It comprised a tripartite system of education that, taking shape during the [[Education in ancient Greece|Hellenistic]] era, was maintained, with inevitable changes, up until the [[fall of Constantinople]].<ref name="Cavallo95"/> The stages of education were the elementary school, where pupils ranged from six to ten years, secondary school, where pupils ranged from ten to sixteen, and higher education.<ref name="Education">{{
[[Elementary education]] was widely available throughout most of the Byzantine Empire's existence, in towns and occasionally in the countryside.<ref name=Education/> This, in turn, ensured that [[literacy]] was much more widespread than in Western Europe, at least until the twelfth century.<ref name=Education/><ref>{{harvnb|Rautman|2006|p=282: "Unlike the early medieval West, where education took place mainly in monasteries, rudimentary literacy was widespread in Byzantine society as a whole."}}</ref> [[Secondary education]] was confined to the larger cities while [[higher education]] was the exclusive provenance of [[University of Constantinople|Constantinople]].<ref name=Education/>
72. satır:
===Women===
[[
Women have tended to be overlooked in [[Byzantine studies]] as Byzantine society left few records about them.<ref name="Cavallo117">{{harvnb|Cavallo|1997|p=117}}.</ref> Women were disadvantaged in some aspects of their legal status and in their access to education, and limited in their freedom of movement.<ref>{{harvnb|Cavallo|1997|p=118}}.</ref> The life of a Byzantine Greek woman could be divided into three phases: [[girl]]hood, [[motherhood]], and [[widowhood]].<ref name="Cavallo119">{{harvnb|Cavallo|1997|p=119}}.</ref>
86. satır:
===Entrepreneurs===
{{See also|Byzantine economy}}
[[
The traditional image of Byzantine Greek merchants as unenterprising benefactors of state aid is beginning to change for that of mobile, pro-active agents.<ref name="Laiou-Morrison139">{{harvnb|Laiou|Morrison|2007|p=139}}.</ref> The merchant class, particularly that of [[Constantinople]], became a force of its own that could, at times, even threaten the Emperor as it did in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.<ref name="Laiou-Morrison140">{{harvnb|Laiou|Morrison|2007|p=140}}.</ref> This was achieved through efficient use of credit and other monetary innovations. Merchants invested surplus funds in financial products called ''chreokoinonia'' ({{lang|grc|χρεοκοινωνία}}), the equivalent and perhaps ancestor of the later Italian ''commenda''.<ref name="Laiou-Morrison140"/>
97. satır:
Unlike in Western Europe where [[priests]] were clearly demarcated from the [[laity|laymen]], the clergy of the Eastern Roman Empire remained in close contact with the rest of society.<ref name="Rautman23">{{harvnb|Rautman|2006|p=23}}.</ref> Readers and [[subdeacons]] were drawn from the laity and expected to be at least twenty years of age while priests and [[bishops]] had to be at least 30.<ref name="Rautman23"/> [[Clerical celibacy (Catholic Church)|Unlike the Latin church]], the Byzantine church allowed married priests and deacons, as long as they were married before [[ordination]]. Bishops, however, were required to be unmarried.<ref name="Rautman23"/>
While the religious hierarchy mirrored the Empire's administrative divisions, the clergy were more ubiquitous than the emperor's servants.<ref>{{harvnb|Rautman|2006|p=24}}.</ref> The issue of [[caesaropapism]], while usually associated with the Byzantine Empire, is now understood to be an oversimplification of actual conditions in the Empire.<ref>{{
|encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.|year=2016|accessdate=16 May 2016|url=http://www.britannica.com/topic/caesaropapism}}</ref> By the fifth century, the [[Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople|Patriarch of Constantinople]] was recognized as first among equals of the four eastern Patriarchs and as of equal status with the [[Pope]] in [[Rome]].<ref name="Rautman23"/>
The ecclesiastical provinces were called ''eparchies'' and were headed by [[archbishops]] or [[metropolitan bishop|metropolitans]] who supervised their subordinate bishops or ''episkopoi''. For most people, however, it was their parish priest or ''papas'' (from the [[Greek language|Greek]] word for "father") that was the most recognizable face of the clergy.<ref name="Rautman23"/><ref>{{
==Culture==
===Language===
{{Main|Medieval Greek}}
[[
The Eastern Roman Empire was in language and civilization a Greek society.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2003|p=59}}.</ref> Linguistically, Byzantine or medieval Greek is situated between the Hellenistic ([[Koine]]) and modern phases of the language.<ref>{{harvnb|Alexiou|2001|p=22}}.</ref> Since as early as the [[Hellenistic]] era, [[Greek language|Greek]] had been the [[lingua franca]] of the educated elites of the Eastern [[Mediterranean]], spoken natively in the southern [[Balkans]], the Greek islands, Asia Minor, and the ancient and Hellenistic [[Greek colonies]] of [[Magna Graecia|Southern Italy]], the [[Black Sea]], Western Asia and [[North Africa]].<ref>{{harvnb|Goldhill|2006|pp=272–273}}.</ref> At the beginning of the Byzantine millennium, the ''koine'' (Greek: κοινή) remained the basis for spoken Greek and Christian writings, while [[Attic Greek]] was the language of the philosophers and orators.<ref name="Alexiou23">{{harvnb|Alexiou|2001|p=23}}.</ref>
118. satır:
===Religion===
{{See also|Orthodox Church}}
[[
At the time of Constantine the Great (r. 306–337), barely 10% of the Roman Empire's population were [[Christians]], with most of them being urban population and generally found in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. The majority of people still honoured the old gods in the public Roman way of ''religio''.<ref name="Mango96">{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=96}}.</ref> As Christianity became a complete philosophical system, whose theory and apologetics were heavily indebted to the Classic word, this changed.<ref name="Mango101">{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=101}}.</ref> In addition, Constantine, as [[Pontifex Maximus]], was responsible for the correct ''[[Cult (religious practice)|cultus]]'' or ''veneratio'' of the deity which was in accordance with former Roman practice.<ref>{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=105}}.</ref> The move from the old religion to the new entailed some elements of continuity as well as break with the past, though the artistic heritage of paganism was literally broken by Christian zeal.<ref name="Mango111">{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=111}}.</ref>
135. satır:
==Identity==
===Self-perception===
[[
In modern [[Byzantine studies|Byzantine scholarship]], there are currently three main schools of thought on medieval eastern Roman identity.
* First, a school of thought that developed largely under the influence of modern [[Greek nationalism]], treats Roman identity as the medieval form of a perennial [[Greek nationalism|Greek national identity]]. In this view, as heirs to the ancient Greeks and of the Roman state, the Byzantines thought of themselves as Rhomaioi, or Romans, though they knew that they were ethnically Greeks.<ref>For statements of this view, see, for example, {{harvnb|Niehoff|2012|loc=[[Margalit Finkelberg]], "Canonising and Decanonising Homer: Reception of the Homeric Poems in Antiquity and Modernity", p. 20}} or {{harvnb|Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum|2003|p=482}}: "As heirs to the Greeks and Romans of old, the Byzantines thought of themselves as ''Rhomaioi'', or Romans, though they knew full well that they were ethnically Greeks." (see also: {{harvnb|Savvides|Hendricks|2001}}).</ref>
154. satır:
Spoken language and state, the markers of identity that were to become a fundamental tenet of nineteenth-century nationalism throughout Europe became, by accident, a reality during a formative period of medieval Greek history.<ref name="Beaton9">{{harvnb|Beaton|1996|p=9}}.</ref> After the Empire lost non-Greek speaking territories in the 7th and 8th centuries, "Greek" (Ἕλλην), when not used to signify "pagan", became synonymous with "Roman" ({{lang|grc|Ῥωμαῖος}}) and "Christian" (Χριστιανός) to mean a Christian Greek citizen of the Eastern Roman Empire.{{Kdş|Harrison|2002|p=268 "Roman, Greek (if not used in its sense of 'pagan') and Christian became synonymous terms, counterposed to 'foreigner', 'barbarian', 'infidel'. The citizens of the Empire, now predominantly of Greek ethnicity and language, were often called simply ό χριστώνυμος λαός ['the people who bear Christ's name']."}}
In the context of increasing [[Republic of Venice|Venetian]] and [[Republic of Genoa|Genoese]] power in the eastern Mediterranean, association with Hellenism took deeper root among the Byzantine elite, on account of a desire to distinguish themselves from the Latin West and to lay legitimate claims to Greek-speaking lands.<ref>{{harvnb|Speck|Takács|2003|pp=280–281}}.</ref> From the 12th century onwards, Byzantine Roman writers started to disassociate themselves from the Empire's [[Ancient Rome|pre-Constantinian Latin past]], regarding henceforth the transfer of the Roman capital to Constantinople by [[Constantine the Great|Constantine]] as their founding moment and reappraised the normative value of the pagan [[ancient Greeks|Hellenes]], even though the latter were still viewed as a group distinct from the Byzantines.<ref>{{harvnb|Malatras|2011|pp=425–7}}</ref> The first time the term "Hellene" was used to mean "Byzantine" in official correspondence was in a letter to Emperor [[Manuel I Komnenus]] (1118-1180).<ref>{{
During the [[Palaiologos|Palaiologan]] dynasty, after the Byzantines recaptured Constantinople, ''Rhomaioi'' became again dominant as a term for self-description and there are few traces of ''Hellene'', such as in the writings of [[George Gemistos Plethon]];<ref name="Kaplanis 2014 92"/> the [[neoplatonism|neo-platonic]] philosopher boasted "We are Hellenes by race and culture," and proposed a reborn Byzantine Empire following a utopian Hellenic system of government centered in [[Mystras]].<ref name="Makrides 2009 136"/> Under the influence of Plethon, [[John Argyropoulos]], addressed Emperor [[John VIII Palaiologos]] (r. 1425–1448) as "Sun King of Hellas"<ref name="Lamers 2015 42"/> and urged the last Byzantine emperor, [[Constantine XI Palaiologos]] (r. 1449–1453), to proclaim himself "King of the Hellenes".<ref name="Steiris">{{
===Western perception===
{{further|Liutprand of Cremona|Massacre of the Latins}}
[[
In the eyes of the West, after the coronation of [[Charlemagne]], the Byzantines were not acknowledged as the inheritors of the Roman Empire. Byzantium was rather perceived to be a corrupted continuation of ancient Greece, and was often derided as the "Empire of the Greeks" or "Kingdom of Greece". Such denials of Byzantium's Roman heritage and ecumenical rights would instigate the first resentments between Greeks and "Latins" (for the Latin liturgical rite) or "Franks" (for Charlemegne's ethnicity), as they were called by the Greeks.<ref name="Ciggaar14"/><ref name="Fouracre345">{{harvnb|Fouracre|Gerberding|1996|p=345}}: "The Frankish court no longer regarded the Byzantine Empire as holding valid claims of universality; instead it was now termed the 'Empire of the Greeks'."</ref><ref name="Halsall1997">{{
Popular Western opinion is reflected in the ''Translatio militiae'', whose anonymous Latin author states that the Greeks had lost their courage and their learning, and therefore did not join in the war against the infidels. In another passage, the ancient Greeks are praised for their military skill and their learning, by which means the author draws a contrast with contemporary Byzantine Greeks, who were generally viewed as a non-warlike and schismatic people.<ref name="Ciggaar14"/><ref name="Fouracre345"/><ref name="Halsall1997"/> While this reputation seems strange to modern eyes given the unceasing military operations of the Byzantines and their eight century struggle against Islam and Islamic states, it reflects the realpolitik sophistication of the Byzantines, who employed diplomacy and trade as well as armed force in foreign policy, and the high-level of their culture in contrast to the zeal of the Crusaders and the ignorance and superstition of the medieval West. As historian Steven Runciman has put it:<ref>{{harvnb|Runciman|1988|p=9}}.</ref>
168. satır:
::"Ever since our rough crusading forefathers first saw Constantinople and met, to their contemptuous disgust, a society where everyone read and wrote, ate food with forks and preferred diplomacy to war, it has been fashionable to pass the Byzantines by with scorn and to use their name as synonymous with decadence".
A turning point in how both sides viewed each other is probably the [[Massacre of the Latins|massacre of Latins in Constantinople]] in 1182. The massacre followed the deposition of [[Maria of Antioch]], a Norman-Frankish (therefore "Latin") princess who was ruling as regent to her infant son Emperor [[Alexios II Komnenos]]. Maria was deeply unpopular due to the heavy-handed favoritism that had been shown the Italian merchants during the regency and popular celebrations of her downfall by the citizenry of Constantinople quickly turned to rioting and massacre. The event and the horrific reports of survivors inflamed religious tensions in the West, leading to the retaliatory [[Sack of Thessalonica (1185)|sacking]] of [[Thessalonica]], the empire's second largest city, by [[William II of Sicily]]. An example of Western opinion at the time is the writings of [[William of Tyre]], who described the "Greek nation" as "a brood of vipers, like a serpent in the bosom or a mouse in the wardrobe evilly requite their guests".<ref>{{
===Eastern perception===
179. satır:
{{see|Ottoman Greeks}}
[[
Byzantine Greeks, forming the majority of the Byzantine Empire proper at the height of its power, gradually came under the dominance of foreign powers with the decline of the Empire during the Middle Ages. Those who came under Arab Muslim rule, either fled their former lands or submitted to the new Muslim rulers, receiving the status of ''[[Dhimmi]]''. Over the centuries these surviving Christian societies of former Byzantine Greeks in Arab realms evolved into [[Antiochian Greeks]], [[Melchites]] or merged into the societies of [[Arab Christians]], existing to this day.
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